Profits So Far

wvbjplayer

Well-Known Member
#1
So now I've played for 222.8 hours and made approx $4,300, playing hi-lo and spreading from $10 to $200. Who wants to calculate for me how much I should've made by now?

Maybe one of those evil doubters who told me a month or so ago that I'd be flat broke by Tuesday? ;-)

Seriously, though, somebody crunch the numbers for me. (My guess is around $10k, but I'm not sure.) I'll give ya a lollipop, flavor of your choice.

wvbjplayer
 
#2
wvbjplayer said:
So now I've played for 222.8 hours and made approx $4,300, playing hi-lo and spreading from $10 to $200. Who wants to calculate for me how much I should've made by now?

Maybe one of those evil doubters who told me a month or so ago that I'd be flat broke by Tuesday? ;-)

Seriously, though, somebody crunch the numbers for me. (My guess is around $10k, but I'm not sure.) I'll give ya a lollipop, flavor of your choice.

wvbjplayer
My guess is 5k. zg
 
#3
wvbjplayer said:
So now I've played for 222.8 hours and made approx $4,300, playing hi-lo and spreading from $10 to $200. Who wants to calculate for me how much I should've made by now?

Maybe one of those evil doubters who told me a month or so ago that I'd be flat broke by Tuesday? ;-)

Seriously, though, somebody crunch the numbers for me. (My guess is around $10k, but I'm not sure.) I'll give ya a lollipop, flavor of your choice.

wvbjplayer

Almost as much as a coal miners wages.
 

SD Padres

Well-Known Member
#4
I came up with about $4200 based on 100 hph with an average bet of $30. I'm assuming you are playing multideck games so your win % is gonna be around .63 or so.
 

rukus

Well-Known Member
#5
wvbjplayer said:
So now I've played for 222.8 hours and made approx $4,300, playing hi-lo and spreading from $10 to $200. Who wants to calculate for me how much I should've made by now?

Maybe one of those evil doubters who told me a month or so ago that I'd be flat broke by Tuesday? ;-)

Seriously, though, somebody crunch the numbers for me. (My guess is around $10k, but I'm not sure.) I'll give ya a lollipop, flavor of your choice.

wvbjplayer
need more info than this. average bet and expected win % on each $ you bet. then someone can tell you for sure.

some people generalize to 1-2 units won per hour. with this generalization, a guess would be somewhere between $2,228 - $4,456.
 

kewljason

Well-Known Member
#6
I think it would be nearly impossible to calculate exactly what you should have made wvbjplayer, because you have used several different betting spreads. In may you posted that you were 3K ahead after 194 hours using a 1-8 spread and now you are ahead $4300 using a 1-20 spread. You also didnt tell at what counts you bet what amounts or the rules of the game. I would guess that at a $10 table, the table is mostly full and play all would limit your hands to more like 60-70 an hour rather than 100 as SD suggested. I also play mostly 6 and 8 deck games using a 1-12 spread ($10-$120) but wong out out tc of -1. My hourly average over the past couple years has been about $12. I would guess that using a larger spread, but playing all, your hourly average is probably similar. So for 222 hours, would be $2664.
 
#8
Doofus said:
Which would be zero, since thanks to the Greens they hardly mine any coal anymore.

West Virginia, the largest coal-producing State in the Appalachian Region and the second largest in the United States, was one of the only two States in the region to have an increase in coal production in 2007. Total coal production increased slightly in West Virginia, by 0.6 percent, in 2007 to end the year with 153.2 million short tons of production, 0.8 million short tons above the 2006 level. Increases in coal production at Mettiki Coal’s Mountain View mine (a replacement mine for Mettiki’s depleted Maryland mine) of 2.2 million short tons and a full year’s production from Frasure Creek Mining’s new Mine No. 7 of 1.1 million short tons, helped to offset the declines in production experienced at Alpha Natural Resources’ Mountaineer Alma A mine of 1.0 million short tons and Consol Energy’s McElroy mine of 0.8 million short tons.

http://www.eia.doe.gov/cneaf/coal/page/special/feature.html
 
#9
Doofus said:
Which would be zero, since thanks to the Greens they hardly mine any coal anymore.
This was from 2/14/06 article from USA today.

Recruits hungry for good jobs head off to coal mines
By Tom Vanden Brook, USA TODAY
CORE, W.Va. — Every night, just before his coal-miner class begins, Ryan Boyd marks the date in his notebook.

Coal miners exit the elevator at a site near Berry, Ala.
By Rob Carr, AP

Next to that, he writes "Levi Hunter," the name he and his wife, Miranda, chose for their newborn boy.

"That reminds me why I'm here," says Boyd, 22.

His training started Jan. 3, one day after the explosion at the Sago Mine. The blast trapped 13 miners, and all but one died as the nation was riveted by the rescue effort. Yet Boyd and others are eager to take the same kind of jobs.

Coal, once derided as a dirty fuel, is hot. Demand for coal to fuel power plants is growing as oil and natural gas prices soar. So is demand for miners. After more than 20 years of dwindling opportunity, miners' prospects are picking up.

The average age of miners in West Virginia is 55, and many are considering retirement. Most of those miners began their careers in the 1970s; the industry employed nearly 63,000 West Virginians in 1978. By 2003, that figure dipped below 15,000.

The 17 students in this class at West Virginia University's Academy of Mine Training and Energy Technology are aware of coal mining's hazards. They talk about the disasters that have killed 16 coal miners in the state since their class began. But the promise of family-sustaining wages — maybe $12 an hour to start, but rising quickly to an average of $64,000 a year — is enough to draw a new generation of West Virginians underground.

"Mining is the job that pays the most here," Boyd says. "It puts food on the table and roofs over heads."

He says he's weighed the dangers of working hundreds of feet below a mountain with the threat of fires and cave-ins, but he considers the risks minimal. Accidents killed just three West Virginia miners in 2005, and 12 in 2004.

"You're just as likely to get killed on the highway," he says.

The nation needs 50,000 new coal miners across the USA to meet increasing demand and to replace retiring miners over the next 10 years, according to Luke Popovich, a spokesman for the National Mining Association.

Mines produced about a billion tons of coal every year for the past decade, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. And despite the push for alternative sources of energy, an idea President Bush promoted in his State of the Union speech, the agency forecasts that coal will generate 57% of the USA's electricity in 2030, up from 50% in 2004.

Popovich predicts that records for production and consumption will be set this year. Coal use is forecast to continue growing for the next generation, according to the energy agency. Higher oil and natural gas prices are expected to lead to an increase in coal consumption, the agency says.

Cleaning up coal's reputation

In the 1970s and '80s, the coal industry had a dirty reputation. Burning coal emits mercury, which can damage the nervous system. Another coal-burning byproduct is sulfur.

When combined with oxygen, it forms sulfur dioxide, which can fall to the Earth as acid rain. When burned, coal also gives off carbon dioxide, the main greenhouse gas that many scientists say is responsible for global warming.

Technology has mitigated some of those problems: Smokestack scrubbers remove some sulfur and mercury from coal emissions. The country's growing appetite for energy has made coal more attractive. Unlike oil, coal is so readily available that the United States isn't dependent on foreign sources. The USA sits on the world's largest coal reserves, enough to last more than 200 years at the current level of use, according to the energy information agency.

Coal suddenly has cachet. But there aren't enough miners to dig it up.

Most coal miners in West Virginia were hired during coal's heyday after the Arab oil embargo in 1973, says Jim Dean, director of WVU's Mining Extension Service.

The decline of coal in the late 1970s and '80s meant that few new miners were hired for almost two decades. "We lost an entire generation of coal miners," Dean says.

"The miners hired during the last hiring boom are coming to the end of their careers," says Tom Hall, one of Boyd's instructors. "And we don't have anyone to take their place. If you started in the mines at 20, 25 years old, and you spent 30, 35 years in mining, you're ready to retire now."

Two new training centers, sponsored by the state and the coal industry, held their first classes last month to help fill West Virginia's thinning ranks of miners. The state will need as many as 7,000 new miners in the next 10 years, Dean says. He estimates that the placement rate for graduates will be better than 90%.

Enter Boyd

He lives in Morgantown, about 10 miles east of here, works as a cook and also does a little construction to help support his new family. His wife, Miranda, 24, is a job coach. He's been to Fairmont State University and is most of the way to a civil engineering degree. He plans to finish, but the opportunity to boost his family's income quickly as a miner was too good to pass up.

Working underground, even for eight or 10 hours a day, won't bother him, he says. And the idea of using big, powerful equipment appeals to him as an engineer, and, frankly, as a guy.

"Breaking up rock is kind of cool and interesting to me," he says.

But above all, a job in a coal mine means he can raise his family in the state he loves.

"I want to stay in West Virginia," Boyd says. "I was born and raised here. I love West Virginia. My family all grew up here. I love the outdoors. Love to fish and hunt. Trout, deer, turkey. If it can be hunted, you can find it here."

Handsome country

Many of his classmates feel that way. West Virginia is handsome, rugged country. Rivulets trickle off steep, snow-slick slopes into fast-running streams like the Buckhannon and Cheat rivers.

Joe Fluharty, whose father, grandfather, uncles and cousins all have mined coal, has visited other states. Tennessee's pretty, he says, but the smog gave him a headache.

"I like the Mountain State — the hunting, fishing, skiing," says Fluharty, 34. "A lot of good people here. There's clean air. I love this state."

A mechanic who repairs electric motors, he says he'll earn about the same money working as a miner. But he figures the benefits will be better, and several coal mines are close to his home in Mannington.

When Fluharty graduated from high school, he would have followed his father into the mines, but there were no jobs to be had then.

"The mining industry slump meant I didn't have a choice," Fluharty says. "Now there is opportunity."

He calls his $200 tuition for the mining class the "best money I've ever spent."

Instructor Hall says a beginning miner, one whose red hard hat signifies his apprentice status, can expect to start out at $12 or $13 an hour. A miner with a black hard hat, one with six months and 108 shifts under his belt, may jump to $16 an hour. Foremen, electricians and other specialists earn more.

The average West Virginia miner made about $64,000 last year, according to Workforce West Virginia, part of the state's commerce department. That's more than twice the $31,000 average income for all industries in the state. Hall knows of one bulldozer operator at a coal mine who made, after bonuses and overtime, $118,000 last year.

"It's almost sky's the limit," Hall says.

Now Boyd and Fluharty and the others are learning about equipment and safety. Class meets five nights a week for four hours. When they complete the course, they'll be certified as apprentice miners. The state requires miners to have 80 hours of training before they can enter an underground coal mine as an apprentice. The federal requirement is 40 hours, or 24 hours for surface mining. Boyd and Fluharty will have 160 hours of training and be certified for both types of mining.

Tonight, Hall talks to them about mine fires. It's a sensitive topic. As he lectures, rescue crews are searching for two men trapped by a coal mine fire in southern West Virginia. They will eventually be found dead. The explosion that killed 12 men at the Sago mine was just two weeks earlier.

The 17 men in class, most in their 20s and 30s, are sipping Mountain Dew, coffee or Dr Pepper. They follow Hall as he teaches them about fires and how to put them out.

"In a coal mine, gentlemen, it's a life-or-death situation, isn't it?"

Hall quizzes the class. How fast does an underground fire double in size?

"Five minutes," the men murmur.

'Faith is a big thing' here

Hall doesn't dwell on it. The recent deaths are on people's minds, but safety has improved greatly in recent years, he says.

"Most of the men are from this area," Hall says. "They understand that people get killed or injured in the mines. We'll discuss it with them to a certain degree."

Boyd considers the point. He says there are going to be more accidents "like Sago." But it doesn't gnaw at him.

"Faith is a big thing for people here," he says. "If it's my time to go, it's my time to go. The bottom of a coal mine might not be the place I choose to die, but if it happens, so be it. I'm not afraid to work."

His wife told him not to turn on TV news the day of the Sago Mine explosion — one day before his classes began. He told her not to worry.

"If I lived my life running from fear," he told her, "I wouldn't to anything but sit in a padded room and drink from a straw."

Fluharty says his 9-year-old daughter, Haley, told him, "Dad, I don't know if I want you to go into the mines."

"I said, 'Honey, hopefully they'll teach me to be safe.' "

http://www.usatoday.com/money/economy/employment/2006-02-14-miners-cover-usat_x.htm
 
#14
Doofus said:
Before you go throwing stones, look up the number of coal mining jobs in WV in 1970 and compare it to 2007, please.

I see you are of the pick and shovel method and mentality. Ever hear of modern technology ?
 
#16
Doofus said:
Before you go throwing stones, look up the number of coal mining jobs in WV in 1970 and compare it to 2007, please.

Read up on history.


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What is Questia? :: Questia at a Glance
From Pick and Shovel to Mountaintop Removal: Environmental Injustice in the Appalachian Coalfields
Journal article by Paul J. Nyden; Environmental Law, Vol. 34, 2004

Journal Article Excerpt
From Pick and Shovel to Mountaintop Removal: Environmental Injustice in the Appalachian Coalfields.


by Paul J. Nyden


I. INTRODUCTION


II. COAL MINING AND APPALACHIAN COMMUNITIES: A HISTORY AS DARK AS THE MINES THEMSELVES A. Union Battlefields in Appalachia 1. The Mine Wars: 1900-1932 2. The New Deal and the Rise of the UMWA: 1932-1941 3. The Second World War: 1940-1945 4. Postwar Economic Decline in the Appalachian Coalfields: 1946-1960 B. The Coal Camps After World War II 1. The Coal Bust of the 1960s: New Relationships Between Coal Camp Residents and the Companies 2. The 1970s Coal Boom 3. The Coal Camps: 1980 to Present III. REGULATION OF THE ADVERSE IMPACTS OF COAL MINING A. Historical Overview of the Pre-SMCRA Period B. SMCRA 's Cooperative Federalism Approach to Regulation C. Coal Industry and State Opposition to Implementation, Administration, and Enforcement of SMCRA IV. "ALMOST LEVEL, WEST VIRGINIA": MOUNTAINTOP REMOVAL STRIP MINING A. Description of Mountaintop Removal Mining Methods B. SMCRA's Strict Limits on Mountaintop Removal Mining C. Media Expose of Mountaintop Removal Impacts 1. State Mountaintop Removal Permitting Receives Scrutiny 2. State Mountaintop Removal Permitting Decisions Questioned by Environmental Protection Agency 3. Coal industry's Initial Response to Media Investigations of Mountaintop Removal D. Lawlessness: Regulators Ignore SMCRA's "Approximate Original Contours" Mandate 1. The Response of Industry and Regulators to the Revelation that AOC Requirements Had Been Ignored for Two Decades 2. A Promise Broken: Systemic Waiver of Mountaintop Removal Requirements Negate SMCRA's Economic Development Goal a. Newspaper Investigation Discloses Agency Misfeasance b. The Response of Industry and Regulators to the Lack of Economic Development E. Judicial Review: Coalfield Residents Turn to the Courts V. COALFIELD ENVIRONMENTAL INJUSTICE TAKES A NEW FORM A. Paradox in the Coalfields: Coal Production Booms While New Mining Technology Alters the Environment and the Economy Stagnates B. Targeting Coalfield Communities for Destruction C Mountaintop Removal at Blair Mountain: A Case Study of Environmental Injustice in the Coalfields 1. The Dal-Tex Mountaintop Removal Complex and Neighboring Communities 2. Mountaintop Removal Mining Impacts Stir Community Resistance 3. National Attention Is Drawn to Mountaintop Removal Mining at Blair Mountain 4. Facts Emerge About the Coal Company's Plan for "Working with the Community to Minimize Its Temporary Presence There" When Citizen's Seek Relief in Court 5. A Plan for "Working with the Community" Is Developed at the Beginning 6. Option to Purchase Agreements 7. Bogus Dust Monitoring Program VI. CONCLUSION I. INTRODUCTION Travelers entering Williamson, the county seat of Mingo County, West Virginia, pass a faded roadsign that reads: "Welcome to the Billion Dollar Coalfields." The irony of the greeting is hard to escape. Driving into the town which lies in the heart of central Appalachia's coal-producing region, one sees boarded-up stores and vacant and dilapidated buildings. Discouraging economic data and high unemployment in Mingo and other coal counties of southern West Virginia confirm what the eye sees: The billions of dollars of coal reserves mined from the region have only marginally benefited local people. After a century of mining in the "billion dollar coalfields," local communities lack funds to upgrade aging schools; tens of thousands live below the federal "poverty line"; and public services such as fire, police, sewage treatment, and libraries struggle to survive on "bare-bones" budgets.
While the economic stagnation of coalfield communities continues, highly efficient coal mines have revolutionized coal mining in Appalachia. Coal production largely from giant "mountaintop removal" (1) strip mines and highly mechanized underground "longwall" (2) mines approaches record levels. How does one account for the pervasive dismal economic condition in a region which could aptly be called the "Saudi Arabia of coal"?

The answer lies in an understanding of the various forces that have shaped the history of the region. For better or worse, those forces--the coal industry and those who directly profit from mining, state and local politicians, and the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA)--led the coalfields to its present condition. Those same players continue to exert enormous influence, which promises to extend the economic status quo. The paucity of attention given by historians and legal scholars to the legal regime that provided the framework for economic development in the "billion dollar coalfields" provided the impetus for this Essay. The hope is that the following will initiate a scholarly discussion of environmental, economic, and social justice in a region that for a century has given much more to the nation than its citizens have received in return.

This Essay begins in Section II with a presentation of the historical context in which today's continuing environmental injustice in the coalfields developed. Next, the Essay turns in Section III to a brief discussion of the emergence of the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act (SMCRA), (3) describing its theoretical promise to protect the coalfield communities, and setting the stage for the breaking of that promise in application. Section IV presents a description of the lawlessness in southern West Virginia with regard to the application of SMCRA to mountaintop removal. Section V, truly the heart of the Essay, describes the coal companies' calculated efforts to remove not only mountain tops, but whole communities. Finally, the Essay concludes that regulatory failures and corporate plans to maximize profits by eliminating coalfield communities have combined to continue the historic deprivation of environmental, economic, and social justice long experienced by coalfield citizens.

II. COAL MINING AND APPALACHIAN COMMUNITIES: A HISTORY AS DARK AS THE MINES THEMSELVES

Historian Ronald Eller describes the solitude of the mountains of southern Appalachia in the last decade of the nineteenth century:



Great forests of oak, ash, and poplar, covered the hillsides with a rich blanket of deep hues, and clear, sparkling streams rushed along the valley floors. No railroad had yet penetrated the hollows. The mountain people lived in small settlements scattered here and there in the valleys and coves. Life on the whole was simple, quiet, and devoted chiefly to agricultural pursuits. (4) Thirty years later a "new industrial order" had arisen in Appalachia. (5) People of the region left their farms, moving to communities with names like Blair, Sharples, Five Block, and Monclo--people there call them "company towns" or "coal camps." (6) Countless similar small coal camps were built during the early decades of the twentieth century by coal operators to house families of men who worked in nearby underground mines. (7) Professor Eller describes in graphic detail the transformation of Appalachian communities that had occurred by 1920:


[E]vidence of change was to be found on every hand. Coal-mining village after coal-mining village dotted the hollows along every creek and stream. The weathered houses of those who worked in the mines lined the creeks and steep slopes, and the black holes themselves gaped from the hillsides like great open wounds. Mine tipples, headhouses, and other buildings straddled the slopes of the mountains. Railroads sent their tracks in all directions, and long lines of coal cars sat on the sidings and disappeared around the curves of the hills. (8) Professor Eller also describes how coal mining altered the Appalachian landscape:

The once majestic earth was scarred and ugly, and the streams ran brown with garbage and acid runoff from the mines. A black dust covered everything. Huge mounds of coal and "gob" piles of discarded mine waste lay about. The peaceful quiet of three decades before had been replaced by a cacophony of voices and industrial sounds. (9) "Civilization'" writes Eller, "had come into the mountains and had caught up the mountain people in the wellspring of progress." (10) The coal camp symbolized this new Appalachian industrial order. (11) Life and work in the coal camps in the early decades of the twentieth century were violent, oppressive, and exploitive. (12) The company town lay at the heart of an authoritative system. (13) Historian David Alan Corbin observed: Ownership of the land and resources gave coal companies enormous social control over the miners. "You didn't even own your own soul in those damnable places," recalled one elderly miner. "The company owned everything, the houses, the schools, churches, the stores--everything."
The coal company town was a complete system. In addition to owning and controlling all of the institutions in the town, coal company rule in southern West Virginia included the company doctor who delivered the babies, the mines in which children went to work, and the cemeteries where they were eventually buried.



It was a complete and ruthless rule. (14) Among the insults stemming from King Coal's tyranny were the environmental conditions in the coal camps. As the coal companies owned the towns, they were responsible for the existence--or lack thereof--of public utilities such as sewer systems. (15) However, only two percent of coal towns possessed such a system; the vast majority of the towns simply dumped their waste into nearby creeks. (16) The combination of this discharge of raw sewage with acid mine runoff completely eliminated all animal life in many streams. (17) The impact of water pollution on human health was also evident. Hot summers caused the polluted waters to emit an unbearable stench, and diseases such as typhoid ran rampant among the children of the coal camps. (18) The coal companies' response to the situation then is much the same as it is now: They "argu[ed] that coal could not be mined economically if they concerned themselves with ecology." (19) A. Union Battlefields in Appalachia
1. The Mine Wars: 1900-1932

Unionization was central in coal camp residents' struggle against the oppression of the company masters. "[W]hen miners did go on strike for their union," Corbin writes, "they did so not for simple wage increases, but for their dignity and freedom." (20) From the last decade of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the New Deal Administration of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, miners battled nonunion coal operators who controlled the southern West Virginia coalfields with an iron fist. Actual warfare between coal company forces and miners broke out there during the decade from 1912 to 1921. (21)

These West Virginia "mine wars" involved skirmishes between private armies. On one side were the hired guns of the coal operators and on the other stood thousands of armed miners rebelling against coal company rule of the nonunion coal camps. (22) On several occasions martial law was declared and the state militia was summoned by West Virginia Governors whose sympathies lay with coal companies rather than the miners. Miners were arrested and tried by military tribunals. (23)

Once, in September 1921, President Warren G. Harding sent federal troops to intervene in the conflict. (24) When federal troops arrived, the miners' "army" dispersed, but an unarmed political struggle continued as miners sought to win the right to unionize. (25) Ten years later, Russell Briney, reporting for the Courier-Journal in Louisville, Kentucky, observed that the coal industry's domination and oppression of Kentucky miners and their communities had not abated:



In 1931, for all practical purposes, the only law for the miners ... was the mining companies' law as interpreted by deputies sheriff selected and paid directly by the companies.... The system was simply law enforcement stripped of any pretense of impartiality, and it is difficult to imagine a more effective device for promoting violence and engendering resentful hatred among a people bred in the free air of the Kentucky hills. (26) This decades-long imbalance of power was soon to be readjusted. By 1930 the Appalachian coal industry "was sliding toward bankruptcy as the national economy caved in on top of an already depressed [coal] market." (27) Cutthroat competition and "a vicious price-cutting spiral led ever downward until at last, in 1932, at some pits ... coal was offered for sale at the incredibly low price of ten cents per ton." (28) Bank and coal operator bankruptcies swept through the coal fields. (29) Companies, straining to keep their heads above water, first cut miners' already-low daily wages and then put their pay on a piecework basis. (30) Miners were allowed to stay underground for as long as they wished, resulting in ten- to twelve-hour workdays. (31) Given this economic chaos, it was not surprising that attempts to unionize the coal camps were beaten back. Membership in the UMWA in 1930 had slipped to "a few hundred diehard members in West Virginia, even fewer in Kentucky and Alabama." (32)
The affects of the Depression, as bad as they were for most American workers, were even more devastating to Appalachian coal miners and their families:



People who have never lived in mining communities cannot comprehend the feeling of captivity and helplessness that lay so heavy in the coal camps through these years. In times of prosperity the miner had been little better than a serf in his masters' mine, and the Depression was far advanced before union membership and the apparent sympathy of a great national administration brought relief to a situation which by then had become highly explosive. (33) 2. The New Deal and the Rise of the UMWA: 1932-1941 When President Franklin Roosevelt was inaugurated in Match 1933 to serve his first term, the battle-fatigued UMWA was invigorated. John L. Lewis, the UMWA's legendary leader, "owed his opportunity during the 1930s to friendly federal legislation sponsored by Roosevelt and his liberal allies."...


http://www.questia.com/article/1G1-...d-shovel-to-mountaintop-removal-environmental
 

Kasi

Well-Known Member
#19
kewljason said:
I think it would be nearly impossible to calculate exactly what you should have made wvbjplayer, because you have used several different betting spreads. In may you posted that you were 3K ahead after 194 hours using a 1-8 spread and now you are ahead $4300 using a 1-20 spread. You also didnt tell at what counts you bet what amounts or the rules of the game. I would guess that at a $10 table, the table is mostly full and play all would limit your hands to more like 60-70 an hour rather than 100 as SD suggested. I also play mostly 6 and 8 deck games using a 1-12 spread ($10-$120) but wong out out tc of -1. My hourly average over the past couple years has been about $12. I would guess that using a larger spread, but playing all, your hourly average is probably similar. So for 222 hours, would be $2664.
Good to see you back wvplayer.

You too kewlj.

Great post kewlj. You have alot to share here. Always thought that. Just wanted to say it though lol.
 
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